por admin » Vie Dic 16, 2011 11:54 pm
Que haria la dama de hierro?
Ella predicaba el gosple de auto-disciplina, libre empresa y autonomia nacional. Ahora que Europa se hunde y la economia del occidente tiene problemas, es un buen momento para re examinar el legado de Margaret Thatcher, escribe Charles Moore.
Ahora mas que nunca es cuando el legado de M. Thatcher es mas interesante que nunca.
Thatcher fue la primera y unica mujer primera ministra de Inglaterra y la que mas tiempo permanecio en el poder.
Despues de tantos anios, hoy en el 2011 la unica lider mujer es Angela Merkel, pero es dificil pensar que cuando Merkel se retire se haga una pelicula sobre su obra, Thatches lla es la mujer y la unica, cuyo estatus aun fascina.
Ella fue llamada la de "hierro" no por sus amigos si no por sus enemigos.
Ella fue la unica que cuando no estaba de moda se opuso al comunismo Ruso, el unico que concordaba con ella, era Ronald Reagan quien en ese entonces era solamente el ex-gobernador de California con la ambicion de ser presidente.
Fueron los rusos los que la bautizaron como la dama de hierro, queriendo hacer una ironica comparacion con el iron chancellor de Alemania Otto von Bismark y pintarla como dura y rigida.
Pero Thatcher, vio en el adjetivo una oportunidad "acero"significa fuerte. Para una mujer ser atacada de esa manera significaba que ya se habia graduado, aun antes de convertirse en primera ministra. Despues de 11 anios, Thatcher dejo el poder contra su voluntad y por un acto de su propio partido.
La caida del muro de Berlin vindico sus ideas acerca del comunismo. Y sus reformas a la economia y el comercio le dio anios de progreso economico a Inglaterra.
Thatcher pensaba que nada se podia hacer sin el esfuerzo personal. La verdad debe sere dicha.
"Mis politicas estan basada no en algunas teorias economicas, pero en cosas que yo y millones como yo hemos experimentado durante nuestras vidas: un dia de trabajo honesto se merece una paga honesta por ese dia, vivir de acuerdo a nuestras posibilidades, guardar pan para Mayo, pagar tus cuentas a tiempo.
Desde el 2007, cuando la crisis financiera empezo, se puso de manifiesto y quedo muy claro que las ideas, el estilo, el liderazgo de la dama de hierro eran relevantes nuevamente. La gente quiere que sus lideres enfrenten los problemas en lugar de dejarlos a un costado. Ellos comienzan a buscar por alguien de hierro.
Y desde el 2010, cuando el problema de la deuda gradualmente se mutaado de los individuos a los bancos y a los paises, una de las solitarias batallas de Thatcher -su esfuerzo al final de los 80s de evitar la integracion de la Comunidad Europea (subsecuentemente la Union Europea) -ha comenzado a ganar respeto.
El euro fue planeado contra sus deseos e introducido despues que ella dejo el poder. 17 de los 27 miembros tomaron parte de la zona euro. Ahora entre ellos -el mas notable: Grecia esta a punto de colapsar y otros estan en peligro de ver sus deudas rebajadas en sus ratings. La semana pasada, los lideres de la EU se reunieron nuevamente y fue la reunion numero 17, para tratar de rescatar el sistema entero. Ellos, parecen a juzgar por la reaccion del mercado, haber fracasado una vez mas. Uno puede casi escuchar a la Dama de Hierro con su tono modulado, decir: "se los dije"
Que fue lo que ella les dijo? En esencia Thatcher pensaba que la relacion entre eld inero y la politica era simple -para sus criticos reducida. En 1949, cuando como una mujer soltera de 23 anios, Margaret Roberts fue adoptada en el parlamente de los Conservadores por primera vez, ella dijo : En tiempo de guerra habia un slogan que deica "todo depende de mi". La gente parece haber olvidado eso, y ellos piensan que todo depende de la otra persona"
"No tengan miedo del lenguaje de los economistas y de los ministros del cabinete, piensa de la economia como piensas de tu propio hogar"
Ella no tenia miedo, y ella nunca se desvio de sus doctrinas. Ella adquirio una gran resonancia en los 70s, cuando la inflacion y el exceso gasto del gobierno y prestamos del gobierno se habian convertido en la norma. En su lugar, ella gano las elecciones generales del 79. Ella predicaba que en una familia y mas particulamente, cuando era dirigida por una mujer, no podia gastar mas de lo que ganaba y que siempre habia que proveer para algun problema en el futuro.
Ademas, la misma mujer sabe que si ella no provee tampoco puede estas segura que los demas tambien proveen. Vivir mas alla de lo que se gana lleva a la dependencia en lugar de la independencia y la dependencia lleva a la degradacion.
"En politica si quieres algo pideselo a un hombre. Si tu quieres que se haga algo, pideselo a una mujer.
Esto tambien se aplica a las naciones, Thatches insistia, como a los individos. Ella era sofisticada para entender que las naciones algunas veces debian prestarse y gastar en gran escala. Ella respetaba las ensenanzas de Keynes, mientras sospechaba de las demas generaciones de la izquierda "Keynesiana."
Pero ella creia en la verdad de los individuos. Si Inglaterra podia alinear lo que gastaba y se prestaba con lo que ganaba, entonces el pais podria confiar en las habilidades innatas de su gente que haria el resto. Una vez mas podria levantarse erguido en el mundo y tomar sus propias decisiones.
Es dificil negar que Mrs. Thatcher triunfo en algunas de sus propuestas. El impuesto mas alto en 1979 era de 98% y 40% para el 88. En 1979 Inglaterra perdio 29.5 millones en huelgas; para el 86 la cifra era 1.9 millones. Cuando ella empezo el deficit de Inglaterra era el mayor de las naciones industrializadas. Cuando termino, la idea de privatizacion era la pieza intelectual mas productiva de los politicos.'
En su deseo de abrir los mercados al mundo -despues de cinco meses de estar en el poder, abolio el control del foreign exchange, En 1986 su "Big Bang" en la ciudad de London abolio el sistema de comisiones para los brokers y rompio el viejo City Club. La prohibicion de proprietaru trading paso. La separacion entre la banca comercial y de inversion ceso. Los bancos extranjeros, notablemente los americanos, se mudaron a Inglaterra.
THE SATURDAY ESSAYDECEMBER 17, 2011.
What Would The Iron Lady Do?
She preached a gospel of self-discipline, free enterprise and national autonomy. As Europe implodes and the West's economic woes mount, it's time to re-examine Margaret Thatcher's ambiguous legacy, writes Charles Moore
By CHARLES MOORE
"The Iron Lady" is the name of the new film in which Meryl Streep stars as Margaret Thatcher. You have only to consider the title itself to understand the impact of the person portrayed. It helps explain why, in these hard times, she and her legacy arouse even more interest than they did in the boom era at the end of the 20th century.
Mrs. Thatcher at a Conservative Party Conference in 1982.
.First, the word "Lady." Mrs. Thatcher was the first and only woman ever to have led a major British political party, and remains so to this day. She was the first woman prime minister in the English-speaking world and the longest-serving British prime minister of either sex since universal suffrage.
Even in 2011, only one important Western country—Germany—is led by a woman. Whatever the sterling qualities of Chancellor Angela Merkel, one must judge it highly unlikely that she will be the subject of a major feature film 20 years after she retires. Mrs. Thatcher was, in effect, the one and only woman. That unique status still fascinates.
Conservative leader Margaret Thatcher arrives at Tory headquarters in London on May 4, 1979, on the threshold of power as Britain's first woman Prime Minister.
..And this Lady was first called "Iron" not by her admirers but by her enemies. After becoming leader of the Conservative Party in 1975, Mrs. Thatcher opened a new, controversial front in the Cold War with the Soviet Union. She questioned the then fashionable idea of "detente." Soviet communism, she argued, should not be accommodated. It should be overcome—by repairing the defensive military strength of the NATO alliance and by holding out to the subjugated peoples of the Soviet bloc the promise of Western liberty.
Not many people in the West agreed with her at the time, except one Ronald Reagan, and he was just an ex-governor of California with a dream of running for president.
After Mrs. Thatcher had made a couple of stirring speeches on this theme, the Soviet Red Army newspaper Red Star christened her "The Iron Lady." In doing so, it intended to make a satirical comparison with Otto von Bismarck, the 19th-century "Iron Chancellor" of Germany and to paint her as rigid and harsh.
But Margaret Thatcher immediately saw her opportunity in the insult. There is nothing better than being feared by your opponents. "Iron" means strong. For a woman to be so attacked proved that she had graduated, before she had even become prime minister, into world politics. So she put on her prettiest (red) gown and made a speech embracing her new title. She has been the Iron Lady ever since.
Associated Press
You can almost hear her well-modulated tones calling: 'I told you so.' Here, Mrs. Thatcher in 1987.
.After more than 11 years in power, Mrs. Thatcher left office against her wishes (and without electoral defeat) in November 1990, the victim of a coup by members of her own party.
For some time after that, her reputation went into partial eclipse. The fall of the Berlin Wall vindicated her policy toward communism, but it also made her seem obsolete. Although her economic, financial and trade union reforms prepared the ground for the boom years of the late 20th and early 21st century, her style was out.
Gain without pain was the theme of the new generation of politicians like Bill Clinton and Tony Blair. When Mr. Blair first came to power in Britain in 1997, his signature tune was "Things Can Only Get Better."
Optimism had always been part of Mrs. Thatcher's appeal, too, but it was of a more rigorist kind. Gain comes because of pain, she believed. Nothing can be done without personal effort. Hard truths must be told, dragons slain. Hers was the politics of "either/or." As Peter Mandelson, Mr. Blair's chief strategist, liked to put it, theirs was the politics of "both/and."
“My policies are based not on some economics theory, but on things I and millions like me were brought up with: an honest day's work for an honest day's pay; live within your means; put by a nest egg for a rainy day; pay your bills on time; support the police.
”
Thatcher in 1981
From 2007, when the credit crunch first loomed, it started to become clear that "both/and" was going bust in the Western world. The beliefs, the style, the leadership of the Iron Lady all began to look relevant once again. People wanted their leaders to confront problems rather than to brush them aside. They began to look for some iron.
And since 2010, as the debt problem gradually mutated from individuals to banks to entire countries, one of Margaret Thatcher's loneliest battles—her effort in the late 1980s to stop the integration of the European Community (subsequently given the grander title of the European Union)—has begun belatedly to win respect.
The euro was planned against her wishes and introduced after she had left the scene. Seventeen of the EU-27 member-states are part of the euro zone. Now some of them—most notably Greece—are plain bust, and many of them are under the threat of lower credit ratings. Last week, the EU leaders met yet again (by one count, there have now been 17 of these crisis summits) to try to rescue the entire system. They seem, judging by market reaction, to have failed once more. You could almost hear the Iron Lady's well-modulated tones calling "I told you so" from the wings.
What did she tell them? In essence, Margaret Thatcher's views about the relationship between money and politics are simple—her critics would say reductive. In 1949, when, as a 23-year-old, unmarried woman, Margaret Roberts was adopted as a Conservative parliamentary candidate for the first time, she said: "In wartime there was a slogan 'It all depends on me.' People seem to have forgotten that, and they think it all depends on the other person."
"Don't be scared by the high language of economists and Cabinet ministers," she went on, "but think of politics at our own household level."
She wasn't scared, and she never really deviated from such doctrines. They acquired great resonance in the 1970s, when inflation and excessive government borrowing and spending had become the norm. Indeed, they won her the general election of 1979. She preached that a household—and, most particularly, the woman who runs its weekly budget—knows that you cannot ultimately spend more than you earn and that you must "provide for a rainy day."
The same mythical housewife, Mrs. Thatcher asserted, also knows that if you do not provide you cannot be certain that anyone else will. Living beyond your means leads to dependency instead of independence, and dependency leads to degradation.
“In politics, if you want anything said ask a man. If you want anything done ask a woman.
”
1965
This was as true for nations, Mrs. Thatcher maintained, as for individuals. She was quite sophisticated enough to understand that nations can and sometimes must borrow and spend on a huge scale. She respected the teachings of John Maynard Keynes, while being highly suspicious of the subsequent generations of left-wing "Keynesians."
But she stuck to her household verities. If Britain could better align what it spent and borrowed with what it earned, then the country could trust the native skills of its people to do the rest. It would once again stand tall in the world and make its own decisions.
It would be hard to deny that Mrs. Thatcher succeeded in bringing some of this about. The top rate of income tax was 98% in 1979 and 40% by 1988. In 1979, Britain lost 29.5 million working days to strikes; by 1986, the figure was 1.9 million. When she started, Mrs. Thatcher had to deal with the most deficit-laden nationalized industries in the developed world. When she finished, the idea of privatization had become the most profitable piece of intellectual property ever exported by a politician.
What is also true, however, is that the sternly prudent housewife ushered in an era in which most citizens were much freer to borrow than in the past. She got rid of the cartel of building societies that had rationed the supply of credit to house-buyers in Britain. More people became owners for the first time, but the less happy consequence was that millions of people began to borrow heavily against their houses, leading to a bust shortly after she left office.
In her determination to open markets to the world—five months after coming to power, she abolished all exchange controls on foreign currency—Mrs. Thatcher left an ambiguous legacy. In 1986, her "Big Bang" in the City of London abolished the commission system for stockbrokers and broke up the old City club. The prohibition of proprietary trading went. The separation between commercial and investment banks ceased. Foreign banks, notably American ones, moved in. What everyone now hates and fears as "casino banking" could not have happened without these changes.
Watch a clip from 'The Iron Lady,' a new film about the life of Margaret Thatcher, starring Meryl Streep. Clip courtesy of Weinstein Co.
.Many accused her of promoting the greed that she personally deplored. The veteran British commentator Sir Peregrine Worsthorne encapsulated this critique of Mrs. Thatcher with vivid unkindness. She set out, he said, to reform her country in the image of her father (a hard-working, puritanical Methodist grocer) and ended up creating a country in the image of her son (a wheeler-dealer who pleaded guilty in South Africa in 2005 to charges related to helping finance an abortive mercenary coup in Equatorial Guinea).
It might be fairer to say that the West today is suffering from welcoming the sunny side of Thatcherism while forgetting its minatory aspects. Tony Blair and Gordon Brown took on board the ideas that markets matter, that foreign investment should be welcomed, that people should be allowed to get rich. This was new ground for a socialist party. But they ignored Mrs. Thatcher's eternal vigilance, her dislike of public spending, her obsession with personal discipline, her belief that you cannot, ultimately, avoid paying your bills.
The same happened across Europe. Even countries like Germany and France, which love to criticize the "Anglo-Saxon" culture of speculation, threw risk to the winds. Their banks lent so dangerously that today the entire Continent is cracking under the strain. The euro zone that they constructed only pretended that its "convergence criteria" for budget deficits and national debt had been met by all entrants.
There was never a solution to the problem of a one-size-fits-all currency with a common interest rate trying to yoke together radically different economies. There was never an answer to the question: "Is there a lender of last resort?" Now the initial flaws in construction are undermining the whole building.
On all of this, Mrs. Thatcher was brave and prescient. In 1988, her famous Bruges Speech, excoriated by all European leaders, warned of Europe's becoming "a narrow-minded, inward-looking club…ossified by endless regulation." To her, Europe was much wider than the EU. It included all the countries of the east, then struggling to throw off communism. Her pro-Americanism came to the fore. She spoke of "that Atlantic community—that Europe on both sides of the Atlantic—which is our noblest inheritance and our greatest strength."
Her most controversial remark was her attack on both statism and super-statism: "We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them reimposed at a European level with a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels." She was fiercely opposed to European economic and monetary union.
Last week's summit in Brussels took place exactly 20 years after the Maastricht Treaty, by which the EU agreed to establish a single currency (with Britain securing an opt-out). Today, the answer in Brussels to the problems caused by centralization is to centralize some more.
This time, Britain, led by David Cameron, was so worried that it went further than Mrs. Thatcher ever did and vetoed a new EU Treaty. But the other member states will find a way around this. What is needed, Europe's leaders say, is a fiscal union. Even as the structure totters, its designers are trying to build it higher.
There are reasons why Margaret Thatcher's views on Europe, powerful as they were, failed at the time. She had become unpopular at home. Her criticisms of European policy were sometimes expressed in anti-German tones that made people suspect her motives. Above all, she seemed to be swimming against the tide of history. The wall had fallen. Germany was reunited. The old nationalisms had been conquered, people said. "Europe" had triumphed, and all of us, east and west, would now live happily together in "our common European home."
“To me, consensus seems to be the process of abandoning all beliefs, principles, values and policies in search of something in which no one believes, butto which no one objects.
”
1981
In his speech resigning from the cabinet in 1990, by which he toppled Mrs. Thatcher as Conservative Party leader and prime minister, her former close ally Geoffrey Howe accused her, in her obsession with preserving the British nation-state, of living "in a ghetto of sentimentality about our past."
It does not look quite like that now. Indeed, it was Mrs. Thatcher herself, a couple of years after she left office, who identified the problem with European construction. It was, she said, "infused with the spirit of yesterday's future." It made the "central intellectual mistake" of assuming that "the model for future government was that of a centralized bureaucracy." As she concluded, "The day of the artificially constructed megastate is gone."
There is precious little sign that today's European leaders want to listen to what Mrs. Thatcher said. The manic building of a continental megastate continues apace. But Margaret Thatcher's legacy will never be one of elite consensus. As the Western world sinks deeper into obfuscation, it is her habit of tackling the hard bit of every question that continues to look good and to seem more relevant than ever.
—Mr. Moore is the former editor of the Daily Telegraph, where he is now a columnist. His authorized biography of Margaret Thatcher will not appear in her lifetime.