por admin » Dom Ene 23, 2011 11:53 am
A Williams lo escucho siempre es un economista negro billante, inteligentisimo. Aqui la entrevista que le hicieron en el WSJ, interesantisima.
El Gobierno contra los negros" El gobierno ha hecho por los negros en US lo que la esclavitud no pudo... destruir a las familias negras.
"A veces digo con sarcasmo que me alegro de haberme educado enteramente antes que se pusiera de moda que a los blancos les gustara los negros", escribe Walter Williams en su autobiografia. "En los proyectos (edificios construidos por la beneficencia)" Lo que quiero decir es que antes veia mas honestidad acerca de mis atributos y debilidades. Los profesores no se hacian problema en criticarme y a veces decirme "eso no tiene sentido"
Mr. Williams es un economista en Gerofe Mason University, era diferente ser negro y pobre en 1940 y 1950 a lo que se vive en estos momentos. Es un tema que es permeable, reminiscente, y es donde empieza nuestra conversacion en los suburbios de Philadelphia.
"Nosotros viviamos en los proyectos de Richard Allen en Philadelphia, dice Mr. Williams. "My padre nos abandono cuando tenia tres anios y mi hermana tenia dos anios. Pero nosotros no eramos los unicos ninios sin padre y madre en lacasa. Estos eran negros pobres y pocos blancos viviendo en edificios de beneficencia, y era inusual no tener al padre y a la madre en la casa. Hoy dia, en los mismos proyectos (edificios de beneficencia) es muy raro encontrar al padre y a la madre en la casa"
Aun durante la esclavitud, cuando a los esclavos no se les permitia casarse, la mayoria de los ninios negros vivian con su madre biologica y su padre. Durante la Reconstruccion y hasta 1940, entre el 75% y 85% de los ninios negros tenian tanto al papa como a la mama en la casa. Hoy dia, mas del 70% de los ninios negros son de madres solteras. "El gobierno y la beneficencia ha hecho por los negros lo que la exclavitud no pudo, lo que Jim Crow no pudo hacer, lo que el mas horrible racismo pudo hacer" dice Mr. Williams. "Y eso es destruir a la familia negra"
Los programas de gobierno y las regulaciones son los temas favoritos del profesor, quien ahora es mejor conocido por su columna semanal que empezo en 1977 y ahora aparece en mas de 140 periodicos - y es tambien invitado a sustituir a Rush Limbaugh en su popular programa de radio. Los libertarians estan de moda, gracias a la eleccion de un presidente estatista que ha provocado el surgimiento del movimiento Tea Party. Pero Walter Williams era libertarian antes de que estuviera de moda. Y como el prominente de centro derecha, el juez Clarence Thomas, Thomas Sowell, Shelby Steele - su odisea intelectual empezo en la izquierda.
"Yo era un radical" dice Mr. Williams, "Yo estaba mas de acuerdo con Malcom X que con Martir Luther King porque Malcom X era mas radical y estaba dispuesto a confrontar la discriminacion de la manera que yo pensaba deberia ser hecha, incluyendo talvez la violencia"
"Pero en realidad yo solo queria que me dejaran solo. Yo pensaba que algunas leyes como el salario minimo, ayudaba a los pobres y a los negros pobres y protegia a los trabajadores contra la explotacion. Yo pensaba que era algo bueno hasta que fui presionado por los profesores a mirar a la evidencia"
Durante su penultimo anio en la Universidad California State College en los angeles, Mr. Williams se cambio de programa de sociologia a Economia despues de leer W.E.B. Du Boois's "La reconstruccion negra en America" una posicion Marxista de la transformacion del Sur despues de la Guerra Civil que no deberia ser confundida con "The Wealth of Natios" Aunque, el libro le ensenio "que los negros no progresaran hasta que no entiendan el ssitema economico, hasta que ellos no sepan algo acerca de economia"
El hizo se graduo de su doctorado en 1972 de UCLA, Universidad que tiene uno de los mejores programas economicos en el pais, y el dice que "probablemente me converti en libertarian por la exposicion que tuve con profesores tan exigentes" como James Buchanan, Armen Alchian, Milton Friedman - "quienes me motivaron a pensar con mi cerebro en lugar de hacerlo con el corazon. Yo aprendi que hay que evaluar los efectos de las politicas del gobierno que son diferenten de las intenciones del gobierno.
Mr. Williams se distingio a mediados de los 70s por su investigacion en lso efectos de la ley Davis-Bacon de 1931 - que hizo que el gobierno se entrometiera en fijar los niveles de salarios - y el impacto del sueld minimo- en los jovenes y las minorias desempleadas. El concluyo que el sueldo minimo causaba los altos niveles de desempleo entre los adolescentes, particularmente entre las minorias como los negros, hispanos, etc. Su investigacion tambien mostro que la ley Davis-Bacon, la cual requiere sueldos minimos altos (gracias a los sindicatos)en los programas auspiciados o financiados por el gobierno en construccion, era el producto de los legisladores con motivaciones racistas.
Una de las metas del Congreso era hacer que los trabajadores negros dejaran de desplazar a los blancos por ganar menos dinero. El representante de Missouri John Cochran dijo que el habia recibido muchas quejas de que los empleadores preferian contratar negros por que eran mas baratos.
Actualmente solo el 17% de los trabajadores de construccion pertenecen a un sindicato, como deferencia al AFL-CIO (sindicato nacional) quienes habian hecho que la ley David-Bacon se quedara en efecto para protegerlos. Porque la mayoria de trabajadores negros en construccion no eran sindicalizados, no podian consguir trabajo. La ley tambien servia para incrementar los costos de las construcciones del gobierno debido a los sueldos mas altos.
Este estudio lanzo a Mr. Williams como un intelectual publico y en 1982 el publico su primer libro "El Estado Contra los Negros" argumentando que las regulaciones del gobierno en la actividad economica pone mas impedimentos para el progreso de los negros que el racismo y la discriminacion. Casi 30 anios mas tarde, el defiende esa premisa.
"La discriminacion racial no es un problema para los negros como el que era antes" en su juventud, dice Mr. Williams. "Hoy dia yo dudo que se pueda encontrar un problema de racismo o discriminacion contra los negros. El 70% de la ilegitimidad es un problema desvastador, pero no tiene nada que ver con el racismo. El hecho es que en algunas areas los negros estan escondidos en sus casas en las noches, a veces sirviendo comidas en el piso para que no les vayan a caer los balazos- y eso no es por que el Klan esta visitando el vecindario.
En estas decadas, los trabajos de Mr. Williams han resaltado "la superioridad moral de la libertad individual y los libres mercados" como el lo pone. Yo he tratado de escribir economia de manera que es comprensible para las personas ordinarias y sin una base de conocimiento economico." Su motivacion? Creo que es importante que la gente entienda las ideas de la escasez y la toma de decisiones de todos los dias y no se dejen abusar por los politicos", el dice. "Los politicos explotan la falta de conocimiento de economia de los ciudadanos"
Por eso, el agrega, el movimiento del Tea Party es un desarrollo positivo en la politica y deberia haber ocurrido hace mucho tiempo. "Por primera vez en mi vida - y ya voy a cumplir 75 - escuchamos a los Americanos debatir acerca de la Constitucion Americana" "Los escuchamos decir 'esto es incostitucionaol' o 'necesitamos limitar al gobierno' - cosas que nunca se escucharon antes. Yo lo vengo diciendo por anios "hay que limitar al gobierno" pero ahora a nivel nacional se esta diciendo lo mismo.
Todavia, el esta preocupado por lo mucho que el pais se ha alejado de los principios de gobierno limitado de nuestros Padres Fundadores. "En 1974, el Congreso se apropio de $15,000 para ayudar a los refugiados Franceses", el dice. En protesta "James Madison se paro en la Casa de Representantes y dijo que la Constitucion no le permitia al Congreso apropiarse del dinero de los Americanos para propositos de benevolencia. Bueno, si miramos al presupuesto hoy dia, las dos terceras partes del presupuestos son para propositos de benevolencia"
Mr Williams dice que "si hay algo bueno del Congreso con mayoria democrata y su intento de propiarse de la mayor parte de la economia y controlar nuestras vidas es la creacion del movimiento de oposicion tea party. Nos hemos alejado tanto de los principios constitucionales que han hecho de este un gran pais que es solo cuestion de tiempo cuando regresamos a esos principios"
El lugar para empezar, dice Mr. Williams y como consejo para la nueva Casa Republicana, es que trabajen en el lado del gasto federal. "Nosotros neceistamos un enmienda constitucional que limite el gasto que el gobierno puede hacer" el dice. "Vamos a fijarlo en 18% por ejemplo. El beneficio de los limites del gasto es que vamos a forzar al Congreso a recortar gastos.
Mr. Williams dice que el espera que el tea party siga con poder, pero "la libertad y el gobierno limitado es un estado inusual de los affairs humanos. El estado normal de la historia de la humanidad es el ser sujeto de abuso arbitrario y control por parte de su gobierno.
El agrega: " Un historiador escribio hace 100 o 200 anios: "Tu sabes, habia muy poquita curiosidad historica que existio talvez por 200 anios, cuando la gente estaba libre del abuso arbitrario y control del gobierno y donde habia una gran medida de respeto por la propiedad privada. Pero despues nuevamente volvio a su estado normal de affairs"
Esperando terminar nuestra conversacion en una nota mas animada, le hago otra pregunta acerca del racismo. "El libro fabuloso de Thomas Sowell's: "A Man of Letter" (las cartas de un hombre) que incluye la carta de una economista de Stanford enviada a Mr. Williams en el 2006 al que conocia por mas de 40 decadas: "Hace muchos anios." escribe Mr. Sowell, "tu eras muy pesimista acerca de que si lo que escribiamos iba a tener impacto - especialmente por que los dos eramos los unicos que decian lo que deciamos. Hoy dia por lo menos, sabemos que hay muchos otros negros que estan escribiendo y diciendo las mismas cosas.. y muchos de ellos son lo suficientemente jovenes como para que se continue la discusion cuando nosotros ya no estemos"
Le pregunto si el comparte el optimismo de su amigo, Mr. Williams dice que si. "Tu encuentras ahora mas negros-no suficientes en mi opinion pero mas y mas - que cuestionan el staus quo," el dice. "Cuando sustituyo a rush Limbaugh en la radio, recibo emails de negros que dicen que estan de acuerdo con lo que yo digo. Y hay mucha gente blanca que cuestiona las ideas de raza tambien. Hay menos culpabilidad. Y eso es progreso.
The State Against Blacks 'The welfare state has done to black Americans what slavery couldn't do. . . . And that is to destroy the black family.'
By JASON L. RILEY
Devon, Pa.
'Sometimes I sarcastically, perhaps cynically, say that I'm glad that I received virtually all of my education before it became fashionable for white people to like black people," writes Walter Williams in his new autobiography, "Up from the Projects." "By that I mean that I encountered back then a more honest assessment of my strengths and weaknesses. Professors didn't hesitate to criticize me—sometimes to the point of saying, 'That's nonsense.'"
Mr. Williams, an economist at George Mason University, is contrasting being black and poor in the 1940s and '50s with today's experience. It's a theme that permeates his short, bracing volume of reminiscence, and it's where we began our conversation on a recent morning at his home in suburban Philadelphia.
"We lived in the Richard Allen housing projects" in Philadelphia, says Mr. Williams. "My father deserted us when I was three and my sister was two. But we were the only kids who didn't have a mother and father in the house. These were poor black people and a few whites living in a housing project, and it was unusual not to have a mother and father in the house. Today, in the same projects, it would be rare to have a mother and father in the house."
Even in the antebellum era, when slaves often weren't permitted to wed, most black children lived with a biological mother and father. During Reconstruction and up until the 1940s, 75% to 85% of black children lived in two-parent families. Today, more than 70% of black children are born to single women. "The welfare state has done to black Americans what slavery couldn't do, what Jim Crow couldn't do, what the harshest racism couldn't do," Mr. Williams says. "And that is to destroy the black family."
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Zina Saunders
.Government programs and regulations are favorite butts of the professor, who is best known today for his weekly column—started in 1977 and now appearing in more than 140 newspapers—and for his stints guest-hosting Rush Limbaugh's popular radio program. Libertarianism is currently in vogue, thanks to the election of a statist president and the subsequent rise of the tea party movement. But Walter Williams was a libertarian before it was cool. And like other prominent right-of-center blacks—Clarence Thomas, Thomas Sowell, Shelby Steele—his intellectual odyssey began on the political left.
"I was more than anything a radical," says Mr. Williams. "I was more sympathetic to Malcolm X than Martin Luther King because Malcolm X was more of a radical who was willing to confront discrimination in ways that I thought it should be confronted, including perhaps the use of violence.
"But I really just wanted to be left alone. I thought some laws, like minimum-wage laws, helped poor people and poor black people and protected workers from exploitation. I thought they were a good thing until I was pressed by professors to look at the evidence."
During his junior year at California State College in Los Angeles, Mr. Williams switched his major from sociology to economics after reading W.E.B. Du Bois's "Black Reconstruction in America," a Marxist take on the South's transformation after the Civil War that will never be confused with "The Wealth of Nations." Even so, the book taught him that "black people cannot make great progress until they understand the economic system, until they know something about economics."
He earned his doctorate in 1972 from UCLA, which had one of the top economics departments in the country, and he says he "probably became a libertarian through exposure to tough-mined professors"—James Buchanan, Armen Alchian, Milton Friedman—"who encouraged me to think with my brain instead of my heart. I learned that you have to evaluate the effects of public policy as opposed to intentions."
Mr. Williams distinguished himself in the mid-1970s through his research on the effects of the Davis-Bacon Act of 1931—which got the government involved in setting wage levels—and on the impact of minimum-wage law on youth and minority unemployment. He concluded that minimum wages caused high rates of teenage unemployment, particularly among minority teenagers. His research also showed that Davis-Bacon, which requires high prevailing (read: union) wages on federally financed or assisted construction projects, was the product of lawmakers with explicitly racist motivations.
One of Congress's goals at the time was to stop black laborers from displacing whites by working for less money. Missouri Rep. John Cochran said that he had "received numerous complaints in recent months about Southern contractors employing low-paid colored mechanics." And Alabama Rep. Clayton Allgood fretted about contractors with "cheap colored labor . . . of the sort that is in competition with white labor throughout the country."
Today just 17% of construction workers are unionized, but Democratic politicians, in deference to the AFL-CIO, have kept Davis-Bacon in place to protect them. Because most black construction workers aren't union members, however, the law has the effect of freezing them out of jobs. It also serves to significantly increase the costs of government projects, since there are fewer contractors to bid on them than there would be without Davis-Bacon.
Analysis of this issue launched Mr. Williams's career as a public intellectual, and in 1982 he published his first book, "The State Against Blacks," arguing that laws regulating economic activity are far larger impediments to black progress than racial bigotry and discrimination. Nearly 30 years later, he stands by that premise.
"Racial discrimination is not the problem of black people that it used to be" in his youth, says Mr. Williams. "Today I doubt you could find any significant problem that blacks face that is caused by racial discrimination. The 70% illegitimacy rate is a devastating problem, but it doesn't have a damn thing to do with racism. The fact that in some areas black people are huddled in their homes at night, sometimes serving meals on the floor so they don't get hit by a stray bullet—that's not because the Klan is riding through the neighborhood."
Over the decades, Mr. Williams's writings have sought to highlight "the moral superiority of individual liberty and free markets," as he puts it. "I try to write so that economics is understandable to the ordinary person without an economics background." His motivation? "I think it's important for people to understand the ideas of scarcity and decision-making in everyday life so that they won't be ripped off by politicians," he says. "Politicians exploit economic illiteracy."
Which is why, he adds, the tea party movement is a positive development in our politics and long overdue. "For the first time in my lifetime—and I'm approaching 75 years old—you hear Americans debating about the U.S. Constitution," he says. "You hear them saying 'This is unconstitutional' or 'We need limits on government'—things that I haven't heard before. I've been arguing them for years, but now there's widespread acceptance of the idea that we need to limit the government."
Still, he's concerned about how far the country has strayed from the type of limited government envisioned by the Founding Fathers. "In 1794, Congress appropriated $15,000 to help some French refugees," he says. In objection, "James Madison stood on the House floor and said he could not take to lay his finger on that article in the Constitution that allows Congress to take the money of its constituents for the purposes of benevolence. Well, if you look at the federal budget today, two-thirds to three-quarters of it is for the purposes of benevolence."
Mr. Williams says that "if there is anything good to be said about the Democratic White House and the [previous] Congress and their brazen attempt to take over the economy and control our lives, it's that the tea party movement has come out of it. But we have gone so far from the basic constitutional principles that made us a great country that it's a question of whether we can get back."
The place to start, says Mr. Williams by way of advice to the new Republican House, is on the spending side of the federal ledger. "We need a constitutional amendment that limits the amount of money the government can spend," he says. "Let's say 18% of GDP to start. The benefit of a spending limitation amendment is that you're going to force Congress to trade off against the various spending constituencies. Somebody says, 'I want you to spend $10 billion on this,' and the congressman can respond, 'My hands are tied, so you have to show me where I can cut $10 billion first.'"
Mr. Williams says he hopes that the tea party has staying power, but "liberty and limited government is the unusual state of human affairs. The normal state throughout mankind's history is for him to be subject to arbitrary abuse and control by government."
He adds: "A historian writing 100 or 200 years from now might well say, 'You know, there was this little historical curiosity that existed for maybe 200 years, where people were free from arbitrary abuse and control by government and where there was a large measure of respect for private property rights. But then it went back to the normal state of affairs.'"
Hoping to end our conversation on a sunnier note, I pose a final question about race. "A Man of Letters," Thomas Sowell's fabulous book of correspondence, includes a letter the Stanford economist sent in 2006 to Mr. Williams, whom he's known for four decades. "[B]ack in the early years," writes Mr. Sowell, "you and I were pretty pessimistic as to whether what we were writing would make an impact—especially since the two of us seemed to be the only ones saying what we were saying. Today at least we know that there are lots of other blacks writing and saying similar things . . . and many of them are sufficiently younger that we know there will be good people carrying on the fight after we are gone."
Asked if he shares his friend's optimism, Mr. Williams responds that he does. "You find more and more black people—not enough in my opinion but more and more—questioning the status quo," he says. "When I fill in for Rush, I get emails from blacks who say they agree with what I'm saying. And there are a lot of white people questioning ideas on race, too. There's less white guilt out there. It's progress."
Mr. Riley is a member of The Journal's editorial board.